BY SHANAN RILEY Throughout the twentieth century and continuing into the modern era, labor unions in the United States have advocated for members’ rights within and outside of the workplace. Labor unions are uniquely positioned to further advocate for the rights of marginalized people because they exist as regulatory bodies outside of governmental structures and derive their power from their membership. Looking specifically at equality for LGBTQ+ employees, labor unions have consistently been ahead of the rest of America. As early as the 1930s, unions with substantial queer membership were strong advocates for fair and equal treatment within the workplace. ‘Queer work,’ or jobs that are held primarily by queer individuals, provide unique avenues for advocacy, as the majority interests within the union are the minority interests outside of it. In other unions, smaller coalitions of queer workers pushed the policies and politics further to the left, eventually having national impact. The queer communities within labor unions propelled a new idea of equality at work that shaped the labor movement throughout the twentieth century. Historically, unions have not always worked to foster inclusive environments but have remained ahead of the curve in terms of recognizing and advocating for the rights of marginalized people. Unions are designed to represent the collective ideas of the membership, and in industries where the membership is largely heterosexual white men, diversity frequently falls to the far edges of their political agendas (1). Internal politics of unions also deeply impact the acceptance or rejection of diverse leadership and membership. Exclusion can be used PAGE 5 VOL. 2, NO. 1 ZEITGEIST as a tool to limit the supply of labor and increase the bargaining power of an organization. Fear of lower wages or strong prejudices can lead to large-scale attempts to exclude certain groups from the workforce (1). On the other hand, diversity can also be an asset for unions. The power of a union comes from collectivism, and building a large tent of support can increase the negotiation power of the union(1). Across America, people of color, specifically Black men, make up a greater percentage of union membership than white men. Of the Black working population, twenty percent are union members compared to just fifteen percent of white men(1). Beyond having racially diverse membership, the Council for Industrial Relations, a national governing body for unions, distributed anti-discrimination propaganda as early as the 1950s, and the President of the American Federation of Labor-Council for Industrial Relations delivered a speech in 1951 affirming that, “Our fundamental aim is inclusion, rather than exclusion… The labor movement has done more than any other organization or group to advance the cause of interracial justice, and of economic and social democracy”(2). Additionally, unions backed the feminist movement of the 1970s, distributing propaganda displaying the message “A woman's place is in her union”(3). Although labor unions have a complex history with diverse membership, they have consistently supported social movements fighting for equality. In relation to the queer liberation movement, unions representing members in traditionally queer jobs were uniquely positioned to successfully advocate for radical inclusion as early as the 1930s. The Marine Cooks and Stewards Union, established in 1901, had substantial queer membership(4). The reasoning for this is twofold: first, the union was one of very few places that would hire queer men discharged from the military during WWI for being
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